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Political elites are a key topic in contemporary China studies, and have been investigated in relation to factional politics, generation politics, technocracy, and crucially, institutionalization. The institutionalization of elite replacement began in China in the 1980s and quickly accelerated after the early 1990s, as mechanisms emerged to regulate political elites’ entry and exit, including age limits, term limits, and step-by-step promotion.
By examining the various processes of elite selection, this book explores the role played by institutionalization in elite recruitment, promotion and turnover in China. While existing studies have developed our understanding of Chinese elite politics, two key puzzles regarding institutionalisation remain. Although institutionalisation is recognised as an important trend in Chinese politics, there is as yet no theoretical framework to explain the forces that have brought about and sustained this. Further, it is unclear how the process of institutionalisation has impacted on factional politics, and how factions would continue to operate within the parameters of formal politics. Drawing on a wide range of studies, this book looks at Politburo members, senior People’s Liberation Army officers, provincial leaders, heads of major central state-owned enterprises, and Youth League affiliates, to provide a comprehensive understanding of elite recruitment and mobility in contemporary China.
This book will be of great interests to students and scholars of Chinese politics and government, Chinese studies and Asian politics more broadly.
- Sales Rank: #6122771 in Books
- Published on: 2013-08-19
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.30" h x .70" w x 6.20" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 181 pages
About the Author
Chien-wen Kou is Professor in the Department of Political Science and the Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies, and the Director of the Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies, National Chengchi University, Taiwan (ROC).
Xiaowei Zang is Professor of Chinese Studies and Head of the School of East Asian Studies at the University of Sheffield, UK and Chair Professor of Social Sciences and Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at the City University of Hong Kong.
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Important Insights -
By Loyd Eskildson
Age limits facilitate periodical leadership rejuvenation, and first occurred in the early 1980s. Cadres at the ministerial and vice-ministerial levels must retire at the age of 65 and 60 years old, respectively. Party leaders are not re-elected once older than 70, and all newcomers to the Politburo are required to be younger than 63. The 1982 Constitution limits most top PRC posts to five years, with no more than two consecutive terms. Respect for term integrity emerged after the early 1990s, and show that power struggles have become less turbulent and violent. Step-by-step promotion provides a more stable and predictable pattern of elite recruitment; it is strongest in PLA leadership. Retired leaders can no longer veto the decisions of incumbent leaders as their revolutionary predecessors could. All the preceding have reduced 'strongman politics' and increased PLA professionalization.
China's premier is the chief administrator, overseeing day-to-day operations. Its president is a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, first among equals, with a lot of restraints - their power is believed far less than that of the U.S. president.
Educational requirements, regular post rotation, long-term service in a single province or work experience in multiple bureaucratic systems are essential to selection as provincial leader, though being a 'princeling' or Youth League affiliate still help.
All cadres must receive at least three months training every five years; in addition, some are sent overseas for public administration and executive management training. The three basics are Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory. Government members must receive training on leadership, administration, development of infrastructure, science, technology, foreign affairs, and party philosophy and spirit. There are about 2,700 Party schools, reputed to be central to its ability to maintain authority and control throughout China via training millions throughout China.
Top-level SOE managers are subject to CCP cadre management and must demonstrated economic performance.
Most of the approximately 2,000 delegates to the national congress (meets every five years) are elected at various levels of government and are voted on by the approximately 70 million CCP members. Leadership candidates are groomed for decades, though their rise depends as much on making alliances within the party as building an impressive resume. The Central Committee (371 members, with authority to rubber-stamp elect leaders above them, from a list provided by known entities), the Politburo (25 members), and the Politburo's standing committee (9 members, meeting once/week - each is responsible for a specific area such as the economy, legislation, anti-corruption, internal security, propaganda) comprise the most powerful people in China.
Chinese leaders don't rise to the top telegraphing what changes they'll do, but by showing how loyal they are to the incumbent.
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